试题与答案

史学原以记述近现代事实为主要任务,任何时代的近现代史都是史学家的研究中心.史学容易触

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题目:

史学原以记述近现代事实为主要任务,任何时代的近现代史都是史学家的研究中心.史学容易触犯政治禁忌,成为文字狱和其他变相文字狱的主要对象.清代的文字狱几乎等于历史狱.朴学反是,以经学为中心,以小学(文字学)的训诂、音韵等为附庸,在其范围内的诸子、古史考证、地理、方志等等,都和政治现实没有直接关系.清代顺、康、雍、乾文网太密,文字狱大兴之后,史学因为首当其冲而大衰,考证学因为可以避祸而极盛,便是明证.由于中国封建社会历经的时期特别长,君主权威无限大,一切都被严密控制,学术界便越来越明显地出现这种极其反常的怪现象:现代史成为空白点,近代史成为薄弱点,古代史成为集中点,越古越厚,越今越薄,甚至有古无今,许多学者都成为“信而好古”者.这自然是由于统治者极端专制和极端愚民造成的,而学术界死气沉沉,学术家畏难避祸,以古代史为防空洞、避风港,也是无法辩解和否认的原因.明末清初许多伟大的史学家,在国变之后,毅然决然地都要集中余生精力,就亲身见闻去私编《明史》.《明史》就是他们的近代史.当时,从学术界老前辈黄宗羲、顾炎武、王夫之到万斯同、全祖望等大史学家,多专心致志私著《明史》,把私著《明史》看作高于一切的神圣任务.黄、万、全等清初史学家在中国史学史上的地位是难以比拟的,因为在二十四史中,只有《史记》敢于写到“今上”即当代史.在明代以前,如后汉初修的《前汉书》,唐初的官修《隋书》,元初的官修《宋史》等,均属隔代修史,而且由于官修,那是根本谈不上史德问题的.在清代以后,如民国初年以清朝遗老为主官修的《清史稿》,等于清王朝的奴才为清王朝的主子服务,也是可鄙的.只有明清间的一大群史学家敢于不惜牺牲、无所畏惧地私著信史实录,确为难能可贵,这是中国史学史上最值得大书特书的一点.由此可见史学是以同现实有密切关系的近现代历史为中心的,历史科学工作者必须是大智大勇者,缺乏勇敢精神,就不可能成为伟大的历史学家.

下列对文段内容理解正确的一项是_____.

A.朴学研究不易酿成文字狱,因为朴学以经学为中心,以小学的训诂、音韵等为附庸,跟政治现实并没有直接的关系

B.清代的考证学极其兴盛,是由于顺、康、雍、乾大兴文字狱后,史学研究大大衰落造成的

C.明代以前,后汉初修的《前汉书》,唐初的官修《隋史》,元初的官修《宋史》等,其史学价值都在官修《清史稿》之上

D.黄、万、全等清初史学家在中国史学史上地位崇高,是因为他们私著《明史》的成就达到了司马迁《史记》的高度

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Sara Connolly, a researcher at the University of East Anglia’s school of economics, has been analyzing the results of a survey of over 7,000 scientists and she has just presented her findings at this year’s meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in Norwich. She found that the average pay gap between male and female academics working in science, engineering and technology is around £ 1,500 ($2,850) a year.

That is not, of course, irrefutable proof of discrimination. An alternative hypothesis is that the courses of men’s and women’s lives mean the gap is caused by something else; women taking "career breaks" to have children, for example, and thus rising more slowly through the hierarchy. Unfortunately for that idea, Dr. Connolly found that men are also likely to earn more within any given grade of the hierarchy. Male professors, for example, earn over £ 4,000 a year more than female ones.

To prove the point beyond doubt, Dr. Connolly worked out how much of the overall pay differential was explained by differences such as seniority, experience and age, and how much was unexplained, and therefore suggestive of discrimination. Explicable differences amounted to 77% of the overall pay gap between the sexes. That still left a substantial 23% gap in pay, which Dr. Connolly attributes to discrimination.

Besides pay, her study also looked at the " glass-ceiling" effect—namely that at all stages of a woman’s career she is less likely than her male colleagues to be promoted. Between postdoctoral and lecturer level, men are more likely to be promoted than women are, by a factor of between 1.04 and 2.45. Such differences are bigger at higher grades, with the hardest move of all being for a woman to settle into a professorial chair.

Of course, it might be that, at each grade, men do more work than women, to make themselves more eligible for promotion. But that explanation, too, seems to be wrong. Unlike the previous studies, Dr. Connolly’s compared the experience of scientists in universities with that of those in other sorts of laboratory. It turns out that female academic researchers face more barriers to promotion, and have a wider gap between their pay and that of their male counterparts, than do their sisters in industry or research institutes independent of universities. Private enterprise, in other words, delivers more equality than the supposedly egalitarian world of academia does.

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