试题与答案

下列有关取得保密资格的单位说法错误的是()。A、取得保密资格的单位应当实行年度自检制

题型:单项选择题

题目:

下列有关取得保密资格的单位说法错误的是()。

A、取得保密资格的单位应当实行年度自检制度

B、取得保密资格的单位应当每年按时向审查认证机构提交自检报告

C、对取得保密资格满2年的单位应当进行复查

D、对于复查时重要事项达不到《武器装备科研生产单位保密资格标准》的单位撤销其保密资格

答案:

参考答案:D

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题型:问答题 案例分析题

2004年2月,A公司和B公司共同投资设立西电有限责任公司(以下简称西电公司),注册资本1000万元。其中:A公司持有30%的股权,B公司持有70%的股权。2005年3月,A公司分别向C公司和D公司转让了占西电公司10%的股权。

2006年3月,西电公司的注册资本增至5000万元,其中:原股东以资本公积及未分配利润按照出资比例转增股本;新股东E公司出资6000万元,持有西电公司20%的股权。

2008年3月,西电公司按原账面净资产值折股整体改制为股份有限公司,拟申请首次公开发行股票并在深圳证券交易所中小企业板上市,同时聘请F证券公司、G律师事务所和H会计师事务所等中介机构提供相关服务。

2009年4月,F证券公司作为保荐人,向中国证监会报送西电公司首次公开发行股票的材料。在预审过程中,预审员提出的反馈意见之一是:请说明西电公司作为股份公司成立不足三年符合首次公开发行股票条件的依据。

2009年7月,中国证监会核准西电公司首次公开发行股票申请。8月21日,西电公司成功完成股票公开发行,募集资金3亿元,并于8月28日在深圳证券交易所中小企业板挂牌上市。

2010年6月2日,西电公司发布公告称:2005年5月,公司大股东B公司已将其所持本公司的股权全部转让给公司董事长张某,双方签订了股权转让协议,张某已向B公司支付了股权转让价款,但未办理股权过户登记手续;2010年6月1日,B公司已正式将上述股权过户登记至张某名下。

2010年7月16日,中国证监会宣布:经调查,B公司实际是从2005年5月开始至办理股权过户登记日一直代张某持有西电公司股份,西电公司和张某隐瞒了该事实,构成了虚假陈述。对西电公司处以罚款50万元,对张某处以罚款30万元。

李某在西电公司股票上市日购买了该公司股票1万股,于2010年5月31日全部卖出,亏损5000元;赵某于2010年5月31日买入西电公司股票2万股,于7月13日卖出,亏损3万元。李某和赵某于2010年8月2日分别向法院提起证券民事赔偿诉讼,要求西电公司、F证券公司、G律师事务所、董事长张某和独立董事钱某赔偿其因违法行为遭受的投资损失。

经查:F证券公司和G律师事务所在核查西电公司股权事项时,认真调阅了公司股东名册、工商登记等资料,均未发现B公司向张某转让西电公司股权和B公司代张某持有西电公司股份的事实,也未从西电公司和张某以及其他方面获悉该事实。钱某自2009年12月起一直担任西电公司独立董事,在2010年6月2日西电公司公告前,其对B公司和张某之间的股权转让事项并不知情。

要求:

根据上述内容,分别回答下列问题:

(1)2005年3月,A公司将所持西电公司部分股权转让给C公司和D公司是否需要经过B公司同意?并说明理由。

(2)2006年3月,西电公司增加注册资本需经哪些程序?

(3)2006年3月,西电公司完成增加注册资本后,除E公司外,如不考虑B公司代张某持有公司股权的因素,A公司、B公司、C公司、D公司分别持有西电公司的股权比例是多少?

(4)如何回答预审员提出的“西电公司作为股份公司成立不足三年符合首次公开发行股票条件的依据”的反馈意见?

(5)李某和赵某各自在证券民事赔偿诉讼中的请求能否得到法院支持?并分别说明理由。

(6)F证券公司、G律师事务所和独立董事钱某是否应当对因虚假陈述给投资者造成的损失承担赔偿责任?并分别说明理由。

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题型:单项选择题

The European Union’s Barcelona summit, which ended on March 16th, was played out against the usual backdrop of noisy "anti-globalization" demonstrations and massive security. If nothing else, the demonstrations illustrated that economic liberalization in Europe--the meeting’s main topic--presents genuine political difficulties. Influential sections of public opinion continue to oppose anything that they imagine threatens "social Europe", the ideal of a cradle-to-grave welfare state.

In this climate of public opinion, it is not surprising that the outcome in Barcelona was modest. The totemic issue was opening up Europe’s energy markets. The French government has fought hard to preserve a protected market at home for its state-owned national champion, Electricite de France (EDF). At Barcelona it made a well-flagged tactical retreat. The summiteers concluded that from 2004 industrial users across Europe would be able to choose from competing energy suppliers, which should account for "at least" 60% of the market.

Since Europe’s energy market is worth 350 billion ( $ 309 billion) a year and affects just about every business, this is a breakthrough. But even the energy deal has disappointing aspects. Confining competition to business users makes it harder to show that economic liberalization is the friend rather than the foe of the ordinary person. It also allows EDF to keep its monopoly in the most profitable chunk of the French market.

In other areas, especially to do with Europe’s tough labor markets, the EU is actually going backwards. The summiteers declared that "disincentives against taking up jobs" should be removed; 20m jobs should be created within the EU by 2010. But only three days after a Barcelona jamboree, the European Commission endorsed a new law that would give all temporary-agency workers the same rights as full-timers within six weeks of getting their feet under the desk. Six out of 20 commissioners did, unusually, vote against the measure--a blatant piece of re-regulation--but the social affairs commissioner, Anna Diamantopoulou, was unrepentant, indeed triumphant. A dissatisfied liberaliser in the commission called the directive "an absolute disaster".

The summit’s other achievements are still more fragile. Europe’s leaders promised to increase spending on "research and development" from its current figure of 1.9% of GDP a year to 3%. But how will European politicians compel businesses to invest more in research Nobody seems to know. And the one big research project agreed on at Barcelona, the Galileo satellite-positioning system, which is supposed to cost 3.2 billion of public money, is of dubious commercial value, since the Europeans already enjoy free access to the Americans’ GPA system. Edward Bannerman, head of economics at the Centre for European Reform, a Blairite think-tank, calls Galileo "the common agricultural policy in space.\

In the eyes of the author, the EU’s Barcelona summit()

A. turned out to be rather disappointing

B. was as productive as expected

C. proved to be quite dissatisfactory

D. was not so fruitful as anticipated

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