两平行直线被第三条直线所截，同旁内角的平分线（ ），内错角的平分线（ ）。

Cushing病最多见的垂体病变是（）

A.微腺瘤

B.小腺瘤

C.大腺瘤

D.恶性肿瘤

E.转移瘤

煤矿水害防治的五项综合治理措施是：（）、（）、（）、（）、（）。

According to legend, King Canute of Denmark facetiously tried to stop the rising tide by simply raising his hand and commanding the waters to roll back. The tide, of course, kept rising. Yet policymakers throughout history have followed Canute’s lead. From Hillary Clinton and John Edwards to Mitt Romney and Arnold Schwarzenegger, politicians across the spectrum have tried or vowed to solve America’s health-care woes by enacting an individual mandate—a law requiring every adult to purchase health insurance. Despite its bipartisan support, the individual mandate is bad policy, a vain attempt to command a better result while doing nothing to achieve it.
Individual mandate supporters typically justify the policy by citing the problem of uncompensated care. When uninsured patients receive health services but don’t pay for them, the rest of us end up footing the bill one way or another. So advocates of insurance mandates contend, plausibly enough, that we should make the free riders pay.
But how big is the free-rider problem, really According to an Urban Institute study released in 2003, uncompensated care for the uninsured constitutes less than 3% of all health expenditures. Even if the individual mandate works exactly as planned, that’s the effective upper boundary on the mandate’s impact.
Of course, it will not work exactly as planned. As anyone who has ever driven above 55 mph knows, mandating something is not the same as making it happen. Some people will not comply: 47 states require drivers to buy liability auto insurance, yet the median percentage of uninsured drivers in those states is 12%. Granted, that number might be even higher without the mandates. The point, however, is that any amount of noncompliance reduces the efficacy of the mandate.
None of this means the uninsured are not a problem. Yet the true issue isn’t that they cost the rest of us too much. It’s that they simply get less care than most people (one reason uncompensated care is such a small fraction of health-care spending). And if the real concern is making health insurance and health care available to those in need, we should focus on reducing health-care prices and insurance premiums. The individual mandate is, at best, a distraction from that goal. Some proposals couple mandates with subsidies for the purchase of private insurance. As far as policies to encourage more private coverage go, you could do worse. But as long as the public has to subsidize the formerly uninsured, the problem with free riders has not been solved. We’re just paying for them in a different way.
To enact any mandate, legislators and bureaucrats must specify a minimum benefits package that an insurance policy must cover. Yet this package can’t be defined in an apolitical way. Each medical specialty, from tumor treatment to acupuncture, will push for its services to be included. Ditto other interest groups. In government, bloat is the rule, not the exception.
Even now, every state has a list of benefits that any health-insurance policy must cover—from contraception to psychotherapy to hair transplants. All states together have created nearly 1,900 mandated benefits. Of course, more generous benefits make insurance more expensive. A 2007 study estimates existing mandates boost premiums by more than 20%.
If interest groups have found it worthwhile to lobby 50 state legislatures for laws affecting only voluntarily purchased insurance policies, they will surely redouble their efforts to affect the contents of a federally mandated insurance plan. Consequently, even more people will find themselves unable to afford insurance. Others will buy insurance, but only via public subsidies. Isn’t that just what the doctor didn’t order
A better approach to health reform would focus on removing mandates that drive up insurance premiums. States ought to repeal some or all of their mandated benefit laws, allowing firms to offer lower-priced catastrophic care policies to their customers. The federal government could assist by guaranteeing customers the right to buy insurance offered in any state, not just their own, enabling patients to patronize companies in states with fewer costly mandates. Indeed, removing mandates would do far more to expand health-care coverage than adding new mandates ever could.

What does the author mean by saying "mandating something is not the same as making it happen" (para. 4)

当实测洪水系列较短或实测期内有缺测年份时，可用（）方法进行洪水资料的插补延长。

A.当上、下游或邻近流域测站有较长实测资料，且与本站同步资料具有较好的关系时，可据以插补延长

B.当洪峰和洪量关系以及不同时段洪量之间的关系较好时，可相互插补延长

C.流域暴雨与洪水的关系较好时，可根据暴雨资料插补延长洪水资料

D.本站水位资料系列较长，且有一定长度流量资料时，可通过本站的水位流量关系插补延长

关于互联网金融创新的说法正确的有（）。

A.基于互联网数据挖掘而产生的征信手段创新，令信贷客户群呈现快速增长

B.互联网金融的本质，不是仅仅作为工具提升交易效率和降低成本，而是通过网络征信的方式，拓展金融业服务的目标人群

C.通过模式创新将过去从未有信用记录的人群纳入金融信用体系，这就使他们梯次接受互联网金融、传统金融服务成为可能

D.P2P将传统的非正式人际借贷标准化，并让其扩展到借贷者的社交圈及所在区域之外