选择题：如图所示带电粒子沿的曲线越过匀强电场，不计重力，则粒子带什么电性，在哪儿的动能大

题型：多项选择题

甲公司为上市公司，2008～2009年发生如下交易或事项：
(1)2008年1月1日，甲公司从证券市场上购入乙公司于2007年1月1日发行的5年期债券，票面年利率为5%，每年1月5日支付上年度的利息，到期日为2012年1月1日，到期日一次归还本金和最后一次利息。甲公司购入债券的面值为1000万元，实际支付价款为1005.35万元，另支付相关费用10万元。甲公司购入后将其划分为持有至到期投资。购入债券的实际利率为6%。假定按年计提利息。2008年12月31日，该债券的预计未来现金流量现值为930万元(不属于暂时性的公允价值变动)。2009年1月2日，甲公司将该持有至到期投资重分类为可供出售金融资产，其公允价值为925万元。2009年12月31日，该债券的预计未来现金流量现值为910万元(属于暂时性的公允价值变动)。
(2)甲公司2008年10月10日，甲公司自证券市场购入丙公司发行的股票100万股，共支付价款860万元，其中包括交易费用4万元。购入时，丙公司已宣告但尚未发放的现金股利为每股0.16元。甲公司将购入的丙公司股票作为交易性金融资产核算。2008年12月2日，甲公司出售该交易性金融资产，收到价款960万元。
根据上述资料，回答下列问题(单位以万元表示，计算结果保留两位小数)：

下列关于甲公司对丙公司投资的说法，正确的有( )。

A．发生的交易费用应计入投资成本

B．实际支付的价款就是交易性金融资产的入账价值

C．持有该项投资对当期损益的影响为116万元

D．出售该项投资对当期损益的影响为120万元

E．买价中包含的已宣告但尚未发放的现金股利应计入应收项目

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题型：单项选择题

当使用有初级和次级绕组的穿过式线圈时，激励用的交流电流是加到（）。

A.次级绕组上

B.初级绕组上

C.初级绕组或者次级绕组上，取决于仪器结构

D.初级绕组和次级绕组上

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题型：问答题简答题

衡量水被污染程度的参数有哪些？出装置废水主要控制哪些指标？

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题型：单项选择题

J.Martin方法认为，数据规划首先是建立企业模型，其实施方法应是

A．表示企业处理过程

B．采用逐步求精方法

C．确定实体和活动

D．建立业务活动过程

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题型：单项选择题

In this section you will find after each of the passages a number of questions or unfinished statements about the passage, each with 4 ( A, B, C and D) choices to complete the statement. You must choose the one which you think fits best. The time for this section is 75 minutes.

Questions 1-5 are based on the following passage.
Sen. John F. Kerry’s 11-day mini-campaign on the theme of national security appears unlikely to produce sensational headlines or seize the country’s attention—which is, on balance, to his credit. At a moment when the crisis in Iraq dominates the national discussion, Mr. Kerry is resisting the temptation to distinguish himself from President Bush with bold but irresponsible proposals to abandon the mission, even though that course is favored by many in his party. Nor has he adopted the near-hysterical rhetoric of former vice president A1 Gore, who has taken to describing Iraq as the greatest strategic catastrophe in American history and calling US handling of foreign detainees an "American gulag. "
Instead, Mr. Kerry is in the process of setting out what looks like a sober and substantial altemative to Mr. Bush’s foreign policy, one that correctly identifies the incumbent’s greatest failings while accepting the basic imperatives of the war that was forced on the country on Sept. 11, 2001. In his opening speech on the subject Thursday, Mr. Kerry reiterated one of the central tenets of Mr. Bush’s policy: Lawless states and terrorists armed with weapons of mass destruction present "the single greatest threat to our security. " He said that if an attack on the United States with unconventional weapons "appears imminent I will do whatever is necessary to stop it" and "never cede our security to anyone"—formulations that take him close to Mr. Bush’s preemption doctrine.
Yet Mr. Kerry focused much attention on the president’s foremost weakness, his mismanagement of US alliances. The Bush administration, he charged, "bullied when they should have persuadeD． They have gone it alone when they should have assembled a team. " Not only is the truth of that critique glaringly evident in Iraq and elsewhere, but Mr. Kerry is also right to suggest that repairing and reversing the damage probed will require a new president. Though Mr. Bush has belatedly changed course in response to his serial failures in Iraq, there is no evidence that he would pursue a more multilateral foreign policy if reelected．
Mr. Kerry’s promise to "launch and lead a new era of alliances for the post 9/11 world" nevertheless does not add up to a strategy by itself. Tensions between the United States and countries such as France, Germany and South Korea predate George W. Bush and will not disappear if he leaves office; leaders in those nations have their own ambitions to challenge or contain American power. Strong alliances require a common strategic vision—and the vision offered so far by Mr. Kerry is relatively narrow. His Thursday speech focused on combating threats and on reducing dependence on Middle East oil; this week he will set out policies to block the spread of nuclear weapons. But he has had little to say about the good that the United States should seek to accomplish in the worlD． In an interview Friday, the candidate stressed that he has set out the "architecture" of his foreign policy and will talk more about goals and values in coming weeks. Thus far he has spoken more about protecting American companies and workers from foreign competition—something that hardly promotes alliances—than about fostering democracy in the Middle East or helping poor nations develop.
The emerging Kerry platform suggests that ultimately he would adopt many of the same goals as Mr. Bush. In his latest speech he rightly warned of the terrible consequences of failure in Iraq and, like Mr. Bush, embraced elections and the training of Iraqi security forces as the best way forwarD． His proposal for a U. N. high commissioner represents a slight upgrade on the deference already given by the White House to U. N. representative Lakhdar Brahimi; his call for a NATO- led military mission already has been aggressively pursued by the Bush administration, with poor results. There are, in fact, few responsible alternatives to the administration’s course. Mr. Kerry’s argument is that he has a better chance of making it work. It’s not a bold offer to voters—but it’s probably the fight one.

The second paragraph suggests that______.

A．Mr. Kerry and Mr. Bush both support the war on terrorism

B．Mr. Kerry and Mr. Bush have very different views on national security issues

C．Mr. Kerry prefers a more sober and substantial foreign policy than Mr. Bush

D．Mr. Kerry has nothing new to offer in his opening speech

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如图所示带电粒子沿的曲线越过匀强电场，不计重力，则粒子带什么电性，在哪儿的动能大

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